WASHINGTON -- For years, U.S. mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac worked to nurture, and then protect, their financial empires by promoting homeownership and fielding an army of lobbyists, power brokers and political contributors.
New attention is being focused on the bruised mortgage companies as the Bush administration presses its rescue plan to the U.S. Congress. Some lawmakers have challenged the plan's open-ended nature and expressed fears of a potential big taxpayer bailout in an election year.
Over the past decade, both Fannie and Freddie made the list of Washington's top 20 lobbying spenders. They spent a combined $170 million to cultivate allies during that period, a bit less than the American Medical Association and a bit more than General Electric. At the same time, their executives have consistently led the mortgage-banking sector in campaign giving to members of Congress, contributing a combined $16.2 million since 1997.
People who have lobbied on their behalf have played, or are playing, roles in the U.S. presidential campaigns of both Republican John McCain and Democrat Barack Obama.
Defenders, including U.S. President George W. Bush and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, say the nation's two major mortgage companies - which own or guarantee roughly half of the nation's $12 trillion in outstanding mortgage debt - are more vital than ever to the smooth functioning of the nation's jittery financial markets.
The two companies were set up by federal law as "government-sponsored enterprises" that operate as private companies with profits and stockholders. Critics say they have used their clout and unusual status to create a sort of regulation-free zone around their businesses. When times are good, shareholders and executives of the companies are richly rewarded. When times are bad, as now, taxpayers could be left holding the bag.
"Congress created this problem by creating special rules at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and ignored the problem for years," said U.S. Sen. Jim DeMint, a sharp critic of what he sees as a looming federal bailout.
Fannie Mae - the Federal National Mortgage Association - was established in the 1930s to encourage homeownership by buying mortgages from banks. That freed cash for the banks so they could make new loans.
Fannie and Freddie Mac (Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corp.), created later but with basically the same mission, hold some of the mortgages in their own portfolio and package the rest as bonds and other securities, which they sell.
Neither one makes loans on its own, and they were not directly involved in the subprime mortgage fiasco. But the housing downturn is so steep that they have been seeing increasing delinquencies on their conventional mortgages and have been exposed to investor flight from financial assets. Furthermore, because of their special status, they can keep smaller capital reserves on hand than other financial institutions. They need to raise cash to stay afloat.
Fannie and Freddie have long been distinguished by their outsized influence. They spend heavily on lobbying and hire liberally from Capitol Hill's revolving door, and their executives give top dollar to political campaigns. They've also funneled contributions into select charities and think tanks.
WASHINGTON -- For years, U.S. mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac worked to nurture, and then protect, their financial empires by promoting homeownership and fielding an army of lobbyists, power brokers and political contributors.
New attention is being focused on the bruised mortgage companies as the Bush administration presses its rescue plan to the U.S. Congress. Some lawmakers have challenged the plan's open-ended nature and expressed fears of a potential big taxpayer bailout in an election year.
Over the past decade, both Fannie and Freddie made the list of Washington's top 20 lobbying spenders. They spent a combined $170 million to cultivate allies during that period, a bit less than the American Medical Association and a bit more than General Electric. At the same time, their executives have consistently led the mortgage-banking sector in campaign giving to members of Congress, contributing a combined $16.2 million since 1997.
People who have lobbied on their behalf have played, or are playing, roles in the U.S. presidential campaigns of both Republican John McCain and Democrat Barack Obama.
Defenders, including U.S. President George W. Bush and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, say the nation's two major mortgage companies - which own or guarantee roughly half of the nation's $12 trillion in outstanding mortgage debt - are more vital than ever to the smooth functioning of the nation's jittery financial markets.
The two companies were set up by federal law as "government-sponsored enterprises" that operate as private companies with profits and stockholders. Critics say they have used their clout and unusual status to create a sort of regulation-free zone around their businesses. When times are good, shareholders and executives of the companies are richly rewarded. When times are bad, as now, taxpayers could be left holding the bag.
"Congress created this problem by creating special rules at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and ignored the problem for years," said U.S. Sen. Jim DeMint, a sharp critic of what he sees as a looming federal bailout.
Fannie Mae - the Federal National Mortgage Association - was established in the 1930s to encourage homeownership by buying mortgages from banks. That freed cash for the banks so they could make new loans.
Fannie and Freddie Mac (Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corp.), created later but with basically the same mission, hold some of the mortgages in their own portfolio and package the rest as bonds and other securities, which they sell.
Neither one makes loans on its own, and they were not directly involved in the subprime mortgage fiasco. But the housing downturn is so steep that they have been seeing increasing delinquencies on their conventional mortgages and have been exposed to investor flight from financial assets. Furthermore, because of their special status, they can keep smaller capital reserves on hand than other financial institutions. They need to raise cash to stay afloat.
Fannie and Freddie have long been distinguished by their outsized influence. They spend heavily on lobbying and hire liberally from Capitol Hill's revolving door, and their executives give top dollar to political campaigns. They've also funneled contributions into select charities and think tanks.
"They have always understood that the political risk was huge for them, and they put millions of dollars into using contributions, jobs and consulting contracts to stay in the good graces of people in power," says Wright Andrews, a veteran banking lobbyist. "They had both parties - and particularly the Democrats - under incredible control."
To help keep themselves free from unwanted regulatory and congressional prying, the two mortgage giants have surrounded themselves with scores of well-connected allies.
Fannie Mae's 51-member lobbying stable, according to its most recent disclosure, includes former U.S. Reps. Tom Downey and Ray McGrath; Steve Elmendorf, a Democratic political strategist and former congressional aide; and Donald Fierce, a longtime Republican Party operative. Freddie Mac's list of 91 lobbyists includes former Reps. Vin Weber and Susan Molinari.
At times, the push for influence has gone over the ethical line.
In 2006 Freddie Mac paid a $3.8 million civil penalty to the Federal Election Commission to settle charges that it had used corporate resources to stage 85 fundraising dinners that raised $1.7 million for candidates for federal office. In internal documents, Freddie Mac described the events as an exercise in "political risk management." The fine still stands as the largest in the FEC's 33-year history.
In April, former Fannie Mae chief Franklin Raines and two top executives agreed to a $31.4 million settlement with the government over their roles in a 2004 accounting scandal.
The US Congress and presidents have often looked favorably on legislation to encourage more homeownership, from the hallowed income tax deduction for mortgage expenses to setting up the Federal Housing Administration and Fannie and Freddie to help make affordable mortgages more available. President Bush has made the "ownership society" a main theme of his presidency.
Officials and lobbyists for Fannie and Freddie played on this political soft spot in making their case before Congress, establishing a record of fiercely protecting their domain and resisting efforts to bring tougher regulation.
Paulson on Sunday announced a plan to create a line of credit for Fannie and Freddie with an unspecified limit for 18 months and to give the U.S. Treasury authority to buy stock in the two companies.
The two companies defend their past actions and their financial integrity and say the current housing crisis will pass.
